The Role Of The Church In Biafra

By M.M.Mbanaja

The Government in Lagos succeeded in cutting off supplies to [Biafra] through political pressure on Ahmadu Ahidjo of the Cameroons. At the the Fourth Assembly of WCC Meeting in Upsalla, Sweden in July, 1968, that considered the problem of relief supplies to the victims of the conflict, Mr Bola Ige, Adviser Church of the Province of West Africa defended Gowon's government.

The Role of The Church In Preventing Starvation In Biafra
The Government in Lagos had been unhappy with the state of affairs where relief was reaching Biafra via Fernando Po or the Cameroons. Eventually, it succeeded in cutting off supplies from [Biafra] through political pressure on Ahmadu Ahidjo of the Cameroons.

The Fourth Assembly of WCC Meeting in Upsalla, Sweden in July, 1968, considered the problem of relief supplies to the victims of the conflict, and witnessed disagreements between Christians on both sides of the conflict.

One of the delegates, Dr Getachew Haile (Ethiopian orthodox church) had earlier expressed surprise at the large number of advisers present in the assembly and asked what their function was – who was to be advised?

Amongst the many advisers was Bola Ige, Adviser, Church of the Province of West Africa. The Nigerian delegates included Mr P.T. Odumosu, Methodist Church of Nigeria – Rt. Rev. I.O.S. Okusanya, Church of the Province of West Africa while Dr. Akanu Ibiam who had by now renounced his knighthood was there in his own right as a president of the WCC.

When on the 15th July 1968, the WCC’s Division of Inter-Church Aid, Refugee and World Services presented its ‘statement on the war relief,’ Dr Ibiam asked leave ‘to voice his deep gratitude for the food and medical supplies being sent to victims of the war. But he also raised some political dust, when in his well-known, outspoken candor he said that: ‘Biafra was defending herself against Nigeria which was the aggressor.’ But it would appear that to some advisers, the issue of starving children was as nothing compared with the ‘territorial integrity of Nigeria.’

Mr Bola Ige, Adviser, protested on the wording of a resolution whose aim was to enable the relief organizations to go ahead immediately with efforts to deliver the much needed supplies to the victims of the war.

Speaking ‘with the greatest sense of responsibility’, Bola Ige declared that ‘If the statement were passed in its present form (referring to the entity called Biafra), the National Christian Council of Nigeria would find it difficult to believe that it came from the WCC’. The Nigerian Christian Council had written protesting against the use of name Biafra in correspondence. ‘If’, he continued, ‘the WCC has no respect for the Nigerian Christian Council, this is the time to say it’.

Bola Ige pointed out that the Organization of African Unity (OAU) had affirmed the individuality of the Nigerian nation and had refused to countenance the so-called Biafra. ‘The all African Conference of Churches’, he went on, ‘had also concerned itself with relief without referring to any entity called Biafra.’ (Dr. Ibiam was one of its four presidents).

‘I would like to say’, Bola Ige continued, ‘that we appreciate the fact that people are willing to contribute drugs and food to relieve suffering and we want this to continue, but not at the expense of the sovereignty of our nation…. The resolution talks about moving supplies from Fernando Po. We have not been told that it is impossible to move supplies from Lagos. There is talk of mercy corridors. Everyone knows that the Nigerian Government has announced corridors by land and by air. I beg of you in the name of Christ and the Christians in Nigeria, including those who are suffering, to realize that any statements which refers to an entity called Biafra will be totally unacceptable to Nigeria’.

Dr Ibiam listened to Bola Ige with dismay. ‘My mind’, he said, ‘flashed back to a strange meeting with Bola, during my early days as adviser to the Military Governor of Eastern Nigeria, Col Odumegwu Ojukwu’. ‘It was in the wake of organized killings of Eastern Nigerians residents in the North. Refugees streamed in their thousands to the East. Bola, the emissary, called on me for exploratory talks on what he termed ‘SOUTHERN SOLIDARITY’.

‘Yes, southern solidarity, observed very well’, he continued, ‘but mind you, I talk straight’.

There was a few pleasantries and Bola took his leave adding that he would be back soon. He never came back. Indeed, Dr Ibiam never heard from him again until that submission to the 4th (Upsalla) assembly of the World Council of Churches. This time around, Bola Ige, now adviser, Church of the Province of West Africa, was talking on the politics of starvation in Biafra.

What the highly articulate Christian, Bola Ige, did not say, but every one knew all too well, was that the Government of General Odumegwu Ojukwu, which enjoyed the support of millions of Biafran Christians, had expressed grave concern and fear about General Gowon’s ‘mercy corridors’.

Dr. Payne’s negotiating skill, finally lead to a resolution which appeared acceptable to both sides. As Dr. Payne said ‘We are trying to find a form of words in the hope that we can feed some starving people and would not be accused of being unfair or taking political stand.’

Dr. Ibiam now redoubled his efforts to find relief for Biafra’s starving population. It must not be supposed that Dr. Ibiam received with open arms on his mission for Biafra. Far from it!

As Dr. Wildbolz wrote:

‘But the officials of the WCC (Geneva), his missionary friends of Basle Mission and business people of some firms of Basle operating in Nigeria kept clear of him. The earlier days when Dr. Ibiam had entertained them in Nigeria were forgotten. Those people did not visit him nor did they invite him…! It appeared to me as being very mean and unfriendly.’

‘So Dr. Ibiam and his wife lived a lonely life during those weeks and months. He showed openly his solidarity with his people. His wife – a Yoruba from the West (of Nigeria), shared his commitment fully.’

This would sound very unbelievable to most ears but with the slightest knowledge of the Ibiam household, one would agree that they share and hold the same views on issues.

Armed with the non-offensive resolution, the way became clear for the WCC in association with the other agencies in the Joint Church Aid to mount what has proved to be one of the most massive relief operations since the World War II.

In a joint statement on 16th August, 1968, the relief organization (International Red Cross, UNICEF, World Council of Churches, and CARITAS) pointed out thus:

‘The conflict which concerned not hundred of thousands but millions of people was the greatest emergency it had handled since the 2nd World War.’

THEIR REQUEST FOR AN AIR CORRIDOR FOR DAYLIGHT RELIEF FLIGHTS.

Earlier, on the 5th of June 1967, a relief DC-7 had been shot down in Eket by Nigeria Air Force, putting a stop to ICRC flights from Cotonou. But the Church Organizations were not that readily deterred. At the meeting in Sandefjord, Norway, on the 9th of December, 1968, they decided to continue their nightly air lift relief into Uli air strip in Biafra.

Wars bring forth the worst as well as the best attributes in man. The nightly air lift of relief into Biafra showed humanity at its most compassionate.

Biafra’s only link with the outside world was its airstrips – particularly the airstrip at Uli, code named ‘Annabelle’. Relief flights reached Anabelle from Cotonou (Dahomey), Santa Isabelle (Fernando Po) and the Portuguese Island of SAO TOME. The nightly relief flights from SAO TOME started in April, 1968 largely under the auspices of the Joint Church Aid (JCA) and also the International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC) which chartered aircraft, often at great cost, from whatever available source. The aircraft included DC-65, C-46 and a fleet of Super Constellation owned by the German – American entrepreneur Hank Warton. Later, four giant c-97 Stratofreighters were acquired from the US Government bringing the total number of available aircraft to fifteen.

The pilots had to evade radar controlled anti-aircraft batteries as they flew over Nigerian held coastal districts of Biafra. Over Uli airstrip itself, they had to evade Ilyushin-28 bombers which regularly patrolled the airspace for some four hours on most nights until 11:00pm. ‘Intruders’, as the twin jets were often called, did more harm by often holding up the landing of these vital relief flights that through their 500 pounders.

An interruption of these nightly flights occurred in mid August, 1968, partly as a result of bad weather, but also as a result of anti-aircraft fire. This suspension was broken when a Swedish Red Cross DC-7 relief flight landed at Uli. Its pilot was the legendary Swedish pilot Count Carl Gustaf Von, Rosen, aged 59. A senior pilot with the Swedish Charter Firm Trans Air Sweden, Von Rosen had started his career of mercy mission in support of the underdog when, in 1935, he landed a Heinkel Air Ambulance behind Italian Lines in Ethiopia during the Italian invasion of that country. During the Russian invasion of Finland, he signed up as a lieutenant in the Finnish Air Force. He was to opt dramatically for service with the Biafra Air Force in the wake of indiscriminate air raids on the civilian population of Biafra.

In spite of opposition and threats by the Nigerian Government the Church Relief Organization stepped up their airlift of relief in an attempt to match the growing starvation in Biafra. Starving Biafran children were flown out in their thousands to feeding camps in Gabon. On 9th December, 1968, Joint Church Aid decided at a meeting in Sandefjord, Norway, to continue their interrupted nightly airlift of relief to Uli from Sao Tome.

On 5th June, 1969, a Nigerian MIG, shot down a clearly marked Swedish Red Cross Relief DC-7 over Eket in South Eastern Nigeria. Its crew of four lost their lives and the ICRC on June 10 announced the suspension of its relief flights from Cotonou and Santa Isabelle.

With great daring the JCA continued their nightly relief flights, undeterred neither by that incident, nor indeed by the loss of several more of its pilots and crew. Reiterating the WCC’s position on these relief flights on 12th December, 1969, Dr. Eugene Carson Blake, General Secretary of the WCC said: – ‘The WCC is committed to continuous help to all people who suffer. Neither the complication of such help nor criticisms from whatever source will make us give up this concern’. Indeed, JCA made, all told, 5000 relief flights though 17 of its pilots were killed in the process.

wice the church leaders went back to ask for transport planes or money. Twice more in 1968 they were refused. In addition Johnson and his team went the political route and arranged for two MPs – Tory David MacDonald, a United Church minister, and Andrew Brewin, an NDP Anglican – to fly into Biafra on Canairelief on a fact-finding mission. Their report, Canada and the Biafran Tragedy became a book (James Lewis and Samuel Publishers, Toronto, 1970) and recommended that Canada use its position to prod the UN into negotiating a ceasefire, participate in relief operations, push to have Nigerian civil rights violations under the Charter  enforced and give money for humanitarian relief. They got a flat ‘no’ from Sharp and U. Thant, then UN secretary-general, both more worried about the Federal  Republic of Nigeria’s specious unity, than the millions of starving Biafrans.

Ottawa did send three Hercules freighters as part of an International Committee of the Red Cross  relief effort. In an act of incredible incompetence or political venality two went to Lagos and one to Sao Tome. Lagos impounded the two planes in Nigeria and never let them off the ground while the Sao Tome aircraft was sent back home after another ICRC plane was shot down by the Nigerians.

“Compare this exercise in futility with the achievement of the churches,” the Toronto Star editorialized. “just four weeks after being turned down by Ottawa, Canairelief bought a Super Constellation [from Nordair which used the huge four-engined freighters to service the Dewline]  for $108,000 and in less than a month it  had 28 flights into Biafra.” And the reason?

“They are not as timid as the Red Cross and the corridors of External Affairs.” By flying into Biafra, the ICRC and Canada argued they would be “recognizing” the breakaway state, thus annoying the undemocratic military dictatorship of General Yakubu Gowan. Ted Johnson argued that saving the lives of millions of men, women and children had a higher moral imperative than maintaining good diplomatic relationships with Nigeria, whose soldiers, along with British neo-colonial officials were terrified that the nation would split into many more parts than just Biafra.

“Johnson argued that saving the lives of millions of men, women and children had a higher moral imperative than maintaining good diplomatic relationships with Nigeria.”

Canairelief made its first flight on Jan. 23, 1969 and its final trip on Jan 11, 1970. It completed 670 flights and delivered 11,000 tons of desperately needed food and medical supplies into the blockaded state of Biafra. Churches, relief groups and a few volunteer agencies including an historic ecumenical  alliance of Roman Catholic, Protestant and Jewish organizations bombarded Ottawa and raised the flag of famine. From the beginning, the indomitable and capable Ted Johnson was at the centre of it all and he made 10 harrowing and dangerous trips into Biafra.

Four Canairelief crew members were killed when one of the Super Constellations crashed at Uli. A second plane was destroyed when it was bombed on the ground during the 20 minutes or so it took Biafran workers to unload the relief supplies for Caritas and the World Council of Churches, which ran the more than 2,000 feeding centres. JCA lost 25 pilots and crew to the guns and bombs of the Nigerian forces intent on enforcing the Biafran blockade. The Nigerian military government of the day refused steadfastly to allow relief flights or any other form of humanitarian aid into Biafra. Despite JCA’s best efforts, it is estimated some 3 million Biafrans starved to death.

“Despite JCA’s best efforts, it is estimated some two million Biafrans starved to death. The world was shocked as stark pictures appeared on their television screens”

The world was shocked as stark pictures appeared for almost the first time on their television screens of stick thin children with the swollen bellies and  sparse rust-coloured hair that symptomizes kwashiokor, the body’s painful protein-deficiency that killed children in their thousands. In April and May of 1994 the world watched as men, women and children were hacked to death in their thousands in Rwanda.

Biafra was a nightmare for the international community, especially for Britain, France and – given the almost single-handed initiatives of  Presbyterian leader Ted Johnson – Canada. The response of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau (“where’s Biafra?”) and External Affairs Minister Mitchell Sharp was “shameful”, according to the Toronto Star of Feb. 21, 1969, usually a Liberal Party mouthpiece.

Johnson was unrelenting. He led a delegation of church leaders to Ottawa asking for help for starving Biafrans and was refused. With that rebuff came Canairelief, supported without government money of any kind by Jewish leaders, the Roman Catholic church and the major Protestant denominations, the Presbyterian, United and Anglican churches especially.

Twice the church leaders went back to ask for transport planes or money. Twice more in 1968 they were refused. In addition Johnson and his team went the political route and arranged for two MPs – Tory David MacDonald, a United Church minister, and Andrew Brewin, an NDP Anglican – to fly into Biafra on Canairelief on a fact-finding mission. Their report, Canada and the Biafran Tragedy became a book (James Lewis and Samuel Publishers, Toronto, 1970) and recommended that Canada use its position to prod the UN into negotiating a ceasefire, participate in relief operations, push to have Nigerian civil rights violations under the Charter  enforced and give money for humanitarian relief. They got a flat ‘no’ from Sharp and U. Thant, then UN secretary-general, both more worried about the Federal  Republic of Nigeria’s specious unity, than the millions of starving Biafrans.

Ottawa did send three Hercules freighters as part of an International Committee of the Red Cross  relief effort. In an act of incredible incompetence or political venality two went to Lagos and one to Sao Tome. Lagos impounded the two planes in Nigeria and never let them off the ground while the Sao Tome aircraft was sent back home after another ICRC plane was shot down by the Nigerians.

“Compare this exercise in futility with the achievement of the churches,” the Toronto Star editorialized. “just four weeks after being turned down by Ottawa, Canairelief bought a Super Constellation [from Nordair which used the huge four-engined freighters to service the Dewline]  for $108,000 and in less than a month it  had 28 flights into Biafra.” And the reason?

“They are not as timid as the Red Cross and the corridors of External Affairs.” By flying into Biafra, the ICRC and Canada argued they would be “recognizing” the breakaway state, thus annoying the undemocratic military dictatorship of General Yakubu Gowan. Ted Johnson argued that saving the lives of millions of men, women and children had a higher moral imperative than maintaining good diplomatic relationships with Nigeria, whose soldiers, along with British neo-colonial officials were terrified that the nation would split into many more parts than just Biafra.

“Johnson argued that saving the lives of millions of men, women and children had a higher moral imperative than maintaining good diplomatic relationships with Nigeria.”