The Igbo and Nigeria's political arrangement

by Sabella Abidde - Punch Nigeria.

In August 2004, I penned a little noticeable essay entitled, "The Nigerian presidency and the Igbo nation," for an online medium. The question I attempted to answer was this: "How did a people this intelligent, this savvy, and this contributive and participatory got shut out of the presidency?" In other words, why have we not had a Nigerian president of Igbo ancestry?

The Igbo of my growing up years (in Nigeria), had "attributes most other Nigerian ethnic groups could only dream of; and were what most other groups were not. The Igbo made and make Nigeria better. Any wonder then that the Igbo can do without Nigeria; but Nigeria and her myriad nationalities cannot do without the Igbo? Take the Igbo out of the Nigerian equation, and Nigeria will be a wobbling giant gasping for air!" In the eight years since I penned that essay, my observation and opinion of the Igbo have not changed. And neither has the general attitude towards the Igbo changed.

Now, as it was the case then, I have not stopped thinking about the NdiIgbo and what it would take for Nigeria to finally realise that the time for a Nigerian of Igbo extraction to be the president of Nigeria has come. This should happen now. And by now I mean when the tenure of President Goodluck Jonathan comes to an end. An Igbo rightfully deserves to be the next president of Nigeria. Under the Peoples Democratic Party, political arrangements could be worked out so the presidency is zoned to the South-East.

The North has governed Nigeria for about 38 years; and the West has been in charge for about 10 years. Whether Jonathan leaves or stays past 2015, the time for the Igbo is at hand. But of course, this thinking is predicated on the assumption that the PDP's dominance at the federal level would not fade any time, soon. But what if it does, or is beaten at the centre? Well then, all bets are off. For this reason, therefore, the Igbo must rethink their political mathematics. For instance, the infighting and power struggles must stop - and they should also stop succumbing to the Hausa-Yoruba strategy of divide-and-conquer.

One of the factors that may make an "Igbo President" difficult is this unanswered question: "Is Biafra alive...or dead?" The May 30, 1967 justified bid is still fresh in the minds of many. Every now and then, we are reminded of Biafra. The Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra - the main body that champions the Biafra movement - has a Shadow Government and a Government in Exile. More than 80 per cent of my friends and acquaintances, who are Igbo, seem not to have given up on Biafra. Prof. E. C. Ejiogu, a political sociologist and the author of The Roots of Political Instability in Nigeria, for instance, hopes for and works towards the actualisation of a sovereign Biafra State.

Essentially, therefore, many Igbo seem not to have a sense of belonging towards the Nigerian manor. Many are not interested in the Nigerian experiment. They want out and they want out now! How do you reconcile these two aspirations? And so, one must ask: What do the Igbo want? Biafra or the Nigerian presidency? But of course, this line of questioning is not pertinent and applicable to the Igbo alone. We know, for instance, that not all Yoruba and Hausa are sold on the idea of one indivisible Nigeria. Even a section of the Ijaw ethnic group is exploring secession opportunities. But for the ascendancy of Jonathan to the Nigerian presidency, a sovereign Ijaw nation would most likely be at the top of their agenda, today. Many Ijaw have not given up on this realisable dream.

Let's take leave of the secession debate and return to the imperative and immediacy of the Igbo presidential ambition. We do this because, whether to divide Nigeria or to restructure it, is not a debate the government or the elite are ready for. Everyone knows that the country is loosening at the seam, and that it is gradually fragmenting; yet, not many are willing to take, or even suggest bold and radical remedies. But let me say this: the day Nigeria collapses, the Igbo would be readier than most.

Some well-known governors of Igbo ancestry include Peter Obi; Chris Nwabueze Ngige; Chinwoke Mbadinuju; Emmanuel Nnamdi Uba; Rochas Anayo Okorocha; Ikedi Ohakim; Achike Udenwa; Theodore Ahamefule Orji; Orji Uzor Kalu; Martin Elechi; Sam Ominyi Egwu; Sullivan Iheanacho Chime; and Chimaroke Nnamani. But of course, who do you pick from this group? The Igbo may want to look elsewhere for a truly worthy, capable and representative son or daughter. The problem with the current Igbo leadership and political pool is that it is very thin. Ironically, this is also true of the leadership and political pool of other ethnic groups.

The Yoruba leadership crisis began within a decade of the death of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Many who professed to be his disciples turned out to be vagabonds and political prostitutes. Sadly, many still roam the region claiming to be Awoists. The leadership crisis in Igboland goes farther than that: you look towards two historical events. The first was a watershed era in the history of NdiIgbo, when colonial Britain introduced the Warrant Chiefs system. This aberration, many have contended, significantly altered the Igbo culture and its leadership, political and governing structure.

The second event was the Nigeria-Biafra War. In many respects, the war was genocidal: wiping out, or exiling thousands of Igbo. The residual effects of that war can still be felt in many corners of the Southeastern region. These two events, Prof. Ejiogu contends, have contributed to the dearth of first rate leadership in Igboland: Many who, ordinarily shouldn't be in the corridors of power, now sit on the throne. But whether in 2015, or 2019, the Igbo are likely to put forth their best. Nigeria's very best!